Just two years ago, leading anti-abortion activists were euphoric as the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, ending the nationwide right to abortion.
Now, with a presidential election fast approaching, their movement is disunited and worried.
Within their own ranks, there is second-guessing, finger-pointing and trepidation that Election Day might provide new proof that their cause is broadly unpopular.
Michael New, an abortion opponent who teaches social research at The Catholic University of America, offered an overview of how the movement fared since Roe was overturned in June 2022.
βThings have not necessarily unfolded as we would hope,β he wrote in an email. βThere is certainly a sense among pro-life leaders that we should have had a stronger post-Roe game plan in place.β
The anti-abortion movement recently saw a losing streak on abortion-related ballot measures in seven states, including conservative Kansas and Kentucky.
Nine more states will consider constitutional amendments enshrining abortion rights in the Nov. 5 election: Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Maryland, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada and South Dakota. In several of them, abortion opponentsβ attempts to block the measures were unsuccessful.
Anti-abortion signs lean against a fence outside a recently opened Planned Parenthood clinic Sept. 10 in Pittsburg, Kan.
βPro-life people donβt wear rose-colored glasses; we know we have a huge task ahead of us,β Carol Tobias, president of National Right to Life, said. βBecause of the massive amounts of money being dumped into the ballot measures from those allied with the abortion industry and the Democratic Party, itβs an uphill battle.β
Still, she added she has βnot seen flagging energy or any loss of determination among pro-life people.β
Republican former President Donald Trump nominated Supreme Court justices who were crucial to overturning Roe and called it βa beautiful thing to watchβ as various states took different directions.
Texas is among the Republican-governed states that enacted near-total abortion bans. Yet nationally, Texas Right to Life president John Seago said, the anti-abortion movement βis in a critical chapter right now.β
He added, βwe have realized that while we had enjoyed massive legislative and legal victories in the last decade, public opinion had not followed the same trajectory.β
Troy Newman, who heads the anti-abortion group Operation Rescue, recently published an online opinion piece assailing the movement heβs been a part of for 25 years.
βThe tide has turned, and the pro-life message is now considered a political liability that could prevent President Trumpβs victorious return to the White House,β Newman wrote.
βAfter evaluating the terrible mistakes of the pro-life movement over the last several years, I can only conclude that it is our fault,β Newman wrote. βWe have had over 50 years to change the cultureβs position on abortion only to have failed miserably.β
In an interview, Newman blamed those in his own ranks for the predicament β saying some anti-abortion leaders should have been more adamant in their positions. βWe lose the minute we stop focusing on the babies,β he said.
Kristan Hawkins, leader of Students for Life of America, suggested via email that Newmanβs views were ill-suited to the post-Roe era. She said the students in her organization embraced the challenges of a state-by-state playing field.
But, βI actually believe the biggest threat is ourselves β our mindsets β which will lead to decreased recruitment, training, and mobilization of our grassroots army of love,β she wrote recently in the conservative outlet Townhall.
βLook at the struggles we face this fall with several late-term abortion ballot referendums,β she added. βMost will likely be a political loss for our movement because, in most states, a politically sophisticated, organized, and well-funded state-wide movement is not present.β
Hawkins also acknowledged anger among some anti-abortion activists over the inconsistent rhetoric on abortion coming from the Republican presidential ticket of Trump and his running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance.
Trump has been evasive on whether he would veto a federal abortion ban if reelected and Congress were to approve one; his βleave it to the statesβ approach conveys acceptance that abortion is widely available in at least half the states.
Trumpβs support for a state-by-state solution was a factor in the decision of Charles Camosy, an anti-abortion Catholic academic, to declare he now feels politically estranged.
βThe Republican Party has rejected our point of view. Democrats are running a candidate (Vice President Kamala Harris) who has made abortion rights a centerpiece of her campaign,β Camosy, a medical humanities professor at Creighton University School of Medicine, wrote recently in The Atlantic.
βPro-lifers β those who believe that protecting vulnerable and unborn life should be a primary policy priority β now do not fit in either major political party,β he wrote.
In an interview, Camosy said abortion-rights supporters were better prepared for the post-Roe era than their adversaries, while some Republican-controlled legislatures β in his view β went too far with stringent abortion bans.
βI see this moment as an opportunity,β Camosy wrote in The Atlantic. βPro-life 3.0 must welcome people from multiple political and policy perspectives, working for both prenatal justice and social support for women and families.β
Some other anti-abortion activists forcefully renounced Trump, including leaders of End Abortion Ohio.
βWe call on God-fearing American voters to withhold their votes from Trump until he evidences genuine repentance for his pro-abortion stance,β said the groupβs executive director, Nicholas Kallis.
However, others β like Ohio Right to Life President Mike Gonidakis β encourage support for Trump.
βA vast majority of our statewide membership absolutely support President Trump and believe he would advance the protection of life at the federal level β¦ more than a Kamala administration would,β Gonidakis said. βIt is not even close.β
A look at 50 years of Supreme Court abortion decisions
1973
Updated
The court legalizes abortion nationwide in the landmark Roe v. Wade decision.
In photo:Β Norma McCorvey, Jane Roe in the 1973 court case, left, and her attorney Gloria Allred hold hands as they leave the Supreme Court building in Washington, DC., Wednesday, April 26, 1989.Β
1976
Updated
The court strikes down a Missouri law requiring a married woman to get her husband's consent for an abortion.
1986
Updated
The court strikes down portions of a Pennsylvania law it said attempted to intimidate women into continuing pregnancies by, among other things, requiring them to be told the risks associated with abortion.
1989
Updated
The court declines to overrule Roe but allows more state regulation of abortion.
1992
Updated
The court reaffirms its decision in Roe and says states can't ban abortion before viability, the point at which a fetus can survive outside the womb, around 24 weeks of pregnancy.
2000
Updated
The court strikes down a Nebraska law that barred an abortion procedure used during the second trimester of pregnancy. The law didn't have an exception to the ban for the health of the pregnant woman.
2007
Updated
In a decision weakening Roe, the court upholds the 2003 Partial Birth Abortion Ban Act passed by Congress, which is similar to Nebraska's law.
2016
Updated
In its strongest defense of abortion rights in 25 years, the court strikes down Texas rules forcing clinics to meet hospital-like standards and doctors to have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals.
2020
Updated
A more conservative court strikes down a Louisiana law nearly identical to the Texas one it struck down in 2016.
2021
Updated
The court declines to take emergency action and allows a Texas law banning abortion beginning at around six weeks to take effect.
2022
Updated
The court overturns Roe v. Wade, ending constitutional protections for abortion that had been in place nearly 50 years.



